Revolution : Ariella Azoulay
The Struggle Over Palestine as the Last Place in the World On the world map, almost completely covered with nation-states, there is a single, small, yellow, persistent stain that has not yet been taken in by the world alliance that stabilizes the differential body of the governed as an exclusive political model. At different moments during the past sixty-four years, perhaps its inhabitants—including those who have been expelled and live in refugee camps—have been willing to adopt the Here, on a miniature scale, is the nation-state’s persistent struggle against citizens. Palestinians, expelled from their land over sixty years ago, flock towards the northern border of the State of Israel in a non-violent procession. They insist on not letting the nation-state logic eliminate their civil claim, and they non-violently embody the obvious—they wish to return to and live in the place from which they were expelled. From the nation-state’s point of view, they will be recognized, at best, as refugees—“a problem” that can and must be solved between nation-states, of course. The expelled Palestinians’ years-long insistence not to be naturalized in the states to which they were exiled, is not the perpetuation of their condition as refugees (as it is commonly described), but rather the refusal to be reduced to a problem that others might solve and the insistence not to give up the possibility of civil existence in their land. It is the the insistence to live under a regime in whose shaping they would take part and that would not discriminate against them for their origin. The soldiers guarding the state border against them, representing nation-state logic, see them as an external threat—“infiltrators,” “terrorists,” or “enemies” and flood them with teargas. An anti-colonialist point of view that relates to the Palestinians as “occupied” or “stateless” presupposes the nation-state as a given (from which the Palestinians are deprived) and implies acceptance of the point of view of a regime (established on the basis of the Palestinians’ expulsion) that constitutes the Palestinians as those In the Central Zionist Archive there is not a trace of the possibility that we are looking at a reasonable civil opposition to a “solution” imposed upon the land’s inhabitants. The photograph was filed along with a description: “Jerusalem, Arab riots, an Arab mob marching in Mamila Street.” This description suited the Zionist narrative according to which the War of Independence “broke out” at that moment, as if the two sides—Arabs and Jews—were at that time two homogeneous sides with necessarily opposed political aspirations. The The demonstrators marching along Mamila Street did not threaten the sovereignty of a national entity nor did they fight it, as it didn’t exist at the time. They were a part of the population who opposed dividing the land along ethnic and national lines. Indeed there were those who already saw this division as a catastrophe. They were racing against time and acting to prevent the disaster. Everywhere throughout the country, in hundreds of localities, Palestinians and Jews signed civil agreements, solved local conflicts, and made alliances, promises, and proclamations.15 But to no avail. Ruling revolutionary violence was well on its way with a sole objective—to abolish the old regime. Not the ruling power embodied by the British Mandate—which was on its way out already—but the elimination of a regime under which Jews and Arabs lived together. A look at the violent scenes of the time reveals the essence of that violence—separation—a separation of populations so that the body politic of the governed would enable the constitution of a new regime. That is precisely the violence of ruling revolution—a separating violence that aims to produce a new civil order by exerting force. 15. See my film documenting 100 such contracts, the tip of the iceberg. Ariella Azoulay, Civil Alliance 47-48: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lqi4X_ptwWw↩ |